By Raymond Lotta
From the preface:
" The scathing feedback and slanders opposed to the 4 are thinly veiledattacks on Mao Tsetung and Mao Tsetung idea. in truth, this wasnot a "gang of four," it was once a "gang of 5" simply because those revolutionaries have been heavily allied with Mao and he had put his self belief inthem. And, really, it wasn't a "gang" at all-it was once the middle of therevolutionary headquarters in the chinese language Communist Party.Today exhortations for order, exertions self-discipline and every thing foreconomic improvement have changed Mao's uncomplicated line of continuous therevolution and his name to "grasp revolution, advertise production." TheCultural Revolution has, certainly, come to an finish as inscribed through thenew rulers of China within the Political file added by means of Hua Kuo-fengat the llth occasion Congress in 1977-but no longer for the explanations they wouldhave us think. It has ended as the competition which Mao wasfighting to his final breath has pop out on best, having seized keep watch over of the celebration, military and kingdom organs.How might anything like this take place? Is it easily the results of the machinations and goals of some leaders? "
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Extra info for And Mao Makes 5: Mao Tsetung’s Last Great Battle
Attempts were also made to restrict the corrosive influence of rural trade fairs-where private trade went on-and an experimental socialist big fair in Liaoning Province was cited as a model to learn from. In a People's Daily arlicle (Text 21) explaining the approach in dealing with such questions it was stated that "In the period of socialism, there inevitably exist bourgeois rights such as the trade fair. . Their existence is allowed by the Party's policy. " It then proceeded to recount efforts to establish new kinds of fairs which limited bourgeois rights in the sphere of exchange and to some degree in production.
Our country at present practices a commodity system, and the wage system is unequal too, as in the eight-grade wage system, etc. These can only be restricted under the dictatorship of the proletariat. Thus, if people like Lin Piao come to power, it will be quite easy for them to rig up the capitalist system. ' This also occurs among a section of the workers and a section of the Party members. " Mao issued these statements because he saw the Right beginning to move boldly, and it was necessary to challenge them on the theoretical front.
Back in 1956-57 Chou had dragged his feet and, in effect, opposed the great upsurges that led to the Great Leap Forward, though he later came around to supporting it. So it should come as no surprise that Mao would say that he was a minority of one at times among the old guard on the Central Committee in the period leading to the Cultural Revolution. Chou's eventual support was no doubt conditional on certain limits being placed on the scope of the Cultural Revolution and with assurances that he could maintain some order.